CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT – genius homework essays

CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT

CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT

I need 6 substantial posts (comments)

Each post should be at least 100-200 words and be considered substantive which displays critical thinking and moves our conversation forward in a scholarly way. It is also required that students utilize properly cited scholarly resources in Main Forum postings. A scholarly approach to discussions will frequently involve references to the weekly readings, learning objectives, and scholarly information sources in a manner that sheds new light upon the topic of the discussion. To create a substantive posting, remember “ABC” – Acknowledge other student postings, Build upon the ideas with scholarly material and Conclude with a follow-up question for the classroom. CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT

 

 

 

Chapter 4

CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT

Attachment  refers to the special bond that develops between the infant and his or her primary caregiver and provides the infant with emotional security. Many psychologists believe that the quality of attachment has lifelong effects on our relationships with loved ones. Once attached, babies are distressed by separation from their caregiver (separation distress or anxiety). There is evidence that seven- to nine-month-old infants in every culture studied show distress when they are separated from their primary caregiver (Grossman & Grossman,  1990 ).

Bowlby’s Theory of Attachment

Bowlby’s ( 1969 ) evolutionary theory of attachment proposes that infants must have a preprogrammed, biological basis for becoming attached to their caregivers. This innate behavioral repertoire includes smiling and cooing to elicit physical attachment behaviors on the part of the caregiver. He argues that the attachment relationship between caregiver and child functioned as a survival strategy: Infants had a greater chance of survival if they remained close to the caregiver for comfort and protection.

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Attachment as a survival strategy is illustrated in a study in Nigeria of Hausa infants and their caregivers (Marvin, VanDevender, Iwanaga, LeVine, & LeVine,  1977 ). The researchers report that the attachment relationship protected infants from the dangers of their environment, which included open fires, tools, and utensils that were easily accessible. Infants explored their environment, but only when they were in close proximity to an attachment figure. Similarly, among the Dogon of Mali, infants were always kept in close proximity with the mother (being held most of the time) and infants did not roam freely, thus avoiding dangers such as open fires, snakes, and animal droppings (True, Pisani, & Oumar,  2001 ). CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT

Bowlby and Ainsworth’s Classification System of Attachment

Based on Bowlby’s attachment theory, Mary Ainsworth’s ( 1967 ,  1977 ) study of mothers and infants in Uganda led to the tripartite classification system of attachment relationships. Based on her careful observations of 26 mother-infant pairs over a span of one year, she described three attachment styles:  secure ,  ambivalent , and  avoidant . The latter two attachment styles she labeled as “insecurely attached.” Infants who are securely attached become distressed when their mother leaves but are easily comforted by her when she returns. Infants who are ambivalent also experience distress when their mother leaves but when she returns they send mixed signals—they want to be comforted by her yet, at the same time, appear to have a difficult time letting her soothe them. Infants who are avoidant do not seem to be distressed when their mother leaves and when she returns these infants will actively avoid reuniting with their mother and instead focus their attention elsewhere. Ainsworth later replicated her results in a sample of Baltimore mothers and their infants. In her samples, she found that approximately 57 percent of mothers and infants were classified as securely attached, 25 percent as ambivalent, and 18 percent as avoidant.

Studies from other cultures have found a similar distribution of attachment classifications; others have found considerable differences. And some attachment styles are not reported in certain cultures. For example, no avoidant infants were found in True et al.’s ( 2001 ) study of the Dogon of Mali. Mali mothers kept their infants close to them throughout the day and practiced constant, responsive nursing (nursing on demand when the infant is hungry or distressed). This type of caregiving, True et al. argued, “prevents” avoidant attachment to the mother. These findings highlight the importance of understanding the attachment system in the context of parenting practices specific to each culture.

Cross-Cultural Studies on Attachment

Since Ainsworth’s early studies, hundreds of studies of attachment have been conducted in cultures all over the world. To measure attachment, the Strange Situation, developed by Ainsworth, is the most widely used measure. In the Strange Situation, infants are separated from their mothers for a brief period of time. The separation is thought to trigger the attachment system in the infant. The quality of attachment is derived partly from an assessment of the infant’s reaction to the separation and subsequent reunion with the mother. CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT

Although this method has been used extensively across cultures, the cross-cultural validity of this method and the meaning of the attachment classifications themselves have been questioned. For instance, the meaning of the separation may differ across cultures (Takahashi,  1990 ). Japanese infants are rarely separated from their mothers, and the separation during the Strange Situation may represent a highly unusual situation that may imply something different for Japanese infants and their mothers than for U.S. infants and their mothers. It may also be the case that subtle attachment behaviors (for instance, those that characterize avoidant relationships) are difficult even for well-trained coders to observe in infants from different cultures (Crittenden,  2000 ; van IJzendoorn & Sagi,  1999 ).

In addition to criticisms leveled at the measurement of attachment, cross-cultural researchers have questioned the appropriateness of the different categories of attachment. For instance, researchers studying Chinese infants and their mothers question the validity of the avoidant category as an indication of insecure attachment (Hu & Meng,  1996 , cited in van IJzendoorn & Sagi,  1999 ). Chinese mothers emphasize early independence in their infants and, at the same time, stress their reliance on nonparental (usually the grandparent) caregivers. These factors, rather than an insecure relationship between the mother and her infant, may be responsible for why babies show avoidant attachment in China.

Van IJzendoorn and Sagi ( 1999 ) outline several important cross-cultural issues that Ainsworth’s Uganda study raised, including whether maternal sensitivity is a necessary antecedent of attachment. For instance, mothers of securely attached infants are described as sensitive, warm, and more positive in their emotional expression. Mothers of avoidant children are suspected of being intrusive and over-stimulating. Mothers of ambivalent children have been characterized as being insensitive and uninvolved. Thus, according to Ainsworth, a major determinant of attachment security is having a caregiver who is sensitive and responsive to the child’s needs. In a review of 65 studies of attachment, however, caregiver sensitivity was related only modestly to security of attachment (DeWolff & van IJzendoorn,  1997 ). And studies with other cultures found an even weaker connection between parent sensitivity and security of attachment (van IJzendoorn & Sagi,  1999 ). CULTURE AND ATTACHMENT

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